Probation and Parole in the United States Essay Example for Free

Probation and Parole in the United States Essay Abstract Employee security problems and high risk caseloads progressively will move agents away from customary probation ideas of casework in the direction of ideas lined up with control or disciplinary beliefs. This study analyzes how the role of probation and parole has altered and what the future will be like counting on how we respond to the alterations at hand. This study also reviews changes in the criminal policies that have transpired. Probation and Parole in the United States: Changes in the Correctional System since World War II Under Florida law, the Department of Corrections is to keep the public safe and out of harm’s way, supply a protected and friendly environment for employees and criminals; work in joint venture with the community to add programs and services to lawbreakers; and oversee criminals at a grade of security appropriate with the hazards they present (Florida Department of Corrections, 1992). These duties pose marvelous trials for the employee’s management of the Florida Department of Corrections and the corrupt justice system as a whole. To have an insignificant impact on these matters, the system must make some foremost changes in how corrupt justice is distributed. This is necessary as the crime rates continue to rise; as courts misplace their influence in deterring crime by equalizing quick, rigid sentences; as correctional organizations accept inmates today and let them go tomorrow to ease overcrowding; and as criminals become more dangerous. The penalties of our failure to arise the surge of crime are frightening. An article in USA Today (1991) stated: Probation agencies have become seriously under-staffed just as they are being depended upon more strongly than any issue in history; probation, rather than prison, is the most widespread pattern of punishment. Probation agents have become less and less engaged in  their usual function, more connected to communal work and are more absorbed with law enforcement, following down those who have defied the periods of flexibility. Regardless of an astounding increase in the number of institutional facilities, an exceptional number of criminals have been put under strict watch in the community. The Florida Department of Corrections has more than 100,000 felony criminals under supervision in Florida communities. If it were not for overcrowding, numerous of these criminals would be assisting long sentences in state organizations. Regulation enforcement, the court, the correctional system, and probation and parole have the same duties for the malfunction of the criminal justice system. The difficulties documented above are huge. To deal with these difficulties, much of what we do and how we do it will need to be different. Many inside and outside alterations currently have been made to respond to the individual safety concerns of probation/parole agents in Florida: adjustment of agencies to provide for larger employee security, soft body armor, and firearms. This study task calculates areas where change is required, as well as obstacles that stand in the way of change. According to Edward W. Sieh (1990), Over the past so many years, probation communities have grown to more than 18% compared to about 15% in jail and prison communities and almost 13% in the number of paroles. Close to 2/3 of the complete correctional community was under probation supervision in the community at the end of 1985. Sieh decided that huge alterations in the criminal community have led to alterations in sentencing, as well as in how officers are expected or needed to do their job. Twenty-five percent of convicted felony criminals get probation. Other judgments encompass complete supervision and shock probation. Sieh’s study recognized two essential forms for overseeing criminals—â€Å"remedy† and â€Å"justice†. The remedy model demonstrates customary  casework and rehabilitation, and assesses change within the system. Sieh attacked the remedy mode, showing that it is inherently violent and unjust. It supposes a power over the impulse of criminals, out of capacity to their incorrect doing; it ignores information about the communal rather than therapeutic basis of crimes, and it treats clients as absolute objects of disciplinary policy to manipulate at a whim. The justice standard deals with the increasing occurrence of punishment. Sieh accepts that the standard was made from public appeal for belief of punishment with the smallest risk to the community. In his description of the justice standard, the officer is not at all worried about assisting alterations in the criminal, court instructions become the direction for supervision. Criminal success or failure counts upon his/her agreement with the conditions of supervision, and not the blame of the officer or the system. Complete supervision, in his outlook, is a process of the justice standard. Sieh assumed that the system is moving firmly nearer to a disciplinary one—the justice standard. He questioned contemporaries in the field to gaze for equity. Harris, Clear, and Baird (1989) discovered that the probation system completely extends to support remedy beliefs. Morran and Linder (1985) were in unison. They found more considerably, that electronic devices, sophisticated drug and alcohol area testing kits, and computerized information of new arrests are assisting to a larger focus of the law enforcement duty. Many of the criminals who carry out crimes are presently under supervision. Collaboration between regulation enforcement and probation would increase effectiveness. At the same time, supply for larger security for probation officers who might otherwise be needed to make late evening calls to tough positions without backup would not hurt either. Ten years before, supervising the whereabouts of a criminal by the use of an electronic monitor emerged light years away. Cold War undercover operations employed the use of electrical monitoring apparatus. The Florida corrections  system has intensely cooperated in a supervising program for more than ten years. Today, 800 criminals are under electrical monitoring oversight. The courts have vigorously approved the use of the apparatus. It is expected that the electrical monitoring will be utilized at elevated rates in the future. Between 1984 and 1988 the probation caseload went higher from 1.74 million to 2.36 million individuals (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1989). Numerous administrations have furthermore noticed that the probation populations are criminals who often begin with a high risk of threat to the probation agents (Guynes, 1988, Petersilla, Turner, Kahan, Paterson, 1985; Snyder, 1986). It is without question very necessary that officers are supplied with an access of security to make sure that they don’t become victims. The future is ours to shape and change, or to just let it occur. Given a perception of much important advancement, we should start to increase the speed of some of the more attractive future anticipations and slow up those with less attractive anticipations. To adjust the course of unattractive purposes, the setting up of balancing standards and practices will be needed.

The Philosophy of Birches :: Robert Frost Birches Essays

The Philosophy of Birches  Ã‚        Ã‚  Ã‚   The philosophy expressed in "Birches" poses no threat to popular values or beliefs, and it is so appealingly affirmative that many readers have treasured the poem as a masterpiece. Among Frost's most celebrated works, perhaps only "Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening" ranks ahead of it. Yet to critics like Brooks and Squires, the persona's philosophical stance in "Birches" is a serious weakness. [. . .] The didactic and philosophical element that some critics have attacked strikes others as the very core of Frost's virtue. [. . .] Perhaps impartial observers can accept the notion that "Birches" is neither as bad as its harshest opponents suggest nor as good as its most adoring advocates claim. [. . .] "Birches" . . . contains three fairly lengthy descriptions that do not involve unusual perspectives. In fact, the most original and distinctive vision in the poem--the passage treating the ice on the trees (ll. 5-14)--is undercut both by the self-consciousness of its final line ("You'd think the inner dome of heaven had fallen") and by the two much more conventionally perceived environments that follow it: the rural boyhood of the swinger of birches (ll. 23-40) and the "pathless wood," which represents life's "considerations" (ll. 44-47). As a result, the poem's ardent concluding lines--its closing pronouncements on life, death, and human aspiration--do not arise from a particular experience. Instead, they are presented as doctrines that we must accept or reject on the basis of our credence in the speaker as a wise countryman whose familiarity with birch trees, ice storms, and pathless woods gives him authority as a philosopher. Since in "Birches" the natural object--tree, ice crystal, pathless wood, etc.--functions as proof of the speaker's rusticity, Frost has no need for extraordinary perspectives, and therefore the poem does little to convince us that an "experience," to use [Robert] Langbaum's wording, "is really taking place, that the object is seen and not merely remembered from a public or abstract view of it." This is not to deny that the poem contains some brilliant descriptive passages (especially memorable are the clicking, cracking, shattering ice crystals in lines 7-11 and the boy's painstaking climb and sudden, exhilarating descent in lines 35-40), and without doubt, the closing lines offer an engaging exegesis of swinging birches as a way of life. But though we learn a great deal about this speaker's beliefs and preferences, we find at last that he has not revealed himself as profoundly as does the speaker in "After Apple-Picking.

The Religious Symbolism and Architecture of Angkor Wat and Borobudur

Built by the Khmers between 802 and 1220 AD, the ancient temples of Angkor Wat exist as the remaining relics of a historically and religiously rich city. While many other historical and religious structures in Cambodia have disappeared due in part from being constructed out of vulnerable materials like wood, Angkor Wat still remains as a symbol of the divinity of its former kings, as well as for the palace itself. Likewise, Indonesia’s Borodubur temples exist as the single remaining structures of the city.The temples of Angkor Wat and Borodubur hold several similarities within architecture and symbolism, both being heavily based on religious belief. However, different features within both structures, architecturally and symbolically, distinguish and provide insight into the individual cultures. Significance of Hinduism, Astronomy, and Cosmology In Angkor Wat Architecture With Hinduism serving as the prevailing religion of Cambodia, the temples of Angkor Wat serve as a visual b ridge between the terrestrial plane and the spiritual one.The temples of Ankgor Wat uses architectural features in order represent various ideas of Hindu Cosmology; â€Å"The walls, moats, central sanctuary, entrances, pyramidal temples and bridges with naga balustrades, and monuments such as the Neak Pean, or Bayon,† all contribute to the re-creation of the heavenly world on Earth. By re-creating this, Earth and the heavenly world are entwined; creating a bond between the two worlds that allows humanity to flourish. In constructing Angkor Wat to represent religious beliefs, the Khmer people literally built heaven on Earth.By creating a tangible representation of what is believed to have happened in the past, the past becomes more real and more concrete to viewers and believers alike. In order to honor the Hindu God Vishnu, Suryavaram II built Angkor Wat during the early years of the 12th century, around 1150 B. C. Structurally, the central building of Angkor Wat is serves as a re-creation of Mount Meru, the mountain that the center of the Jambudvipa within Hindu cosmology as well as being considered the axis of the Earth by the Hindu religion.The central mammoth of a tower represents Mount Meru, and uniquely faces west instead of east towards the sunrise, as all other temples do. Several theories explain why the temple faces west; the first theory being that the west is associated with Vishnu. In facing the temple west, the temple continues to serve as a means of honoring Vishnu. The second theory states that King Suryavarman intended Angkor Wat to serve as his funerary temple while a the third theory explains that the alignment of the central tower with the sun adds another dimension to the divinity of the temple.Ankgor Wat’s architecture does not only exhibit its religious roots, but also displays the importance of astronomy and cosmology. It â€Å"contains calendrical, historical, and mythological data encoded into its measurements. † Because solar movement regulates the position of the bas-reliefs, the architecture exhibits the importance of the sun to the Cambodians. The Cambodians built the structure of Angkor Wat to align directly with the sun during the spring equinox, â€Å"where the sun can be seen rising over the central tower. Although no concurrent reason exists as to why the sun is so important to the Cambodians, what can be said is that the sun was so significant to the Cambodians, that they not only based their calendar on the solar and lunar cycles, but they constructed their King’s palace, a place of great importance that connects the heavens with Earth, to align with the sun. The five central towers of Ankgor Wat that stand 77 meters tall hold religious significance as well. These five inter-nested rectangular towers represent five peaks of the mountain Meru.Also, the moat surrounding the central temple that measures 190 meters wide symbolizes the cosmic ocean that existed before the dawn of creation, and the enclosing wall represents the rock encircling the universe. Creating a replication of â€Å"Mount Meru, enclosing walls as the wall of rock, and the moat filled with water as the ocean† serves as the essential architectures for the Cambodians to re-create and symbolize their Hindu religious beliefs. Decorative elements through out the towers and galleries present their own characteristics and fulfill specific needs within the temple.The towers are formed into the shape of the ever-popular lotus buds, and the galleries are used to expand the many passageways of the temple. Also, the axial galleries within the temple are used to connect several enclosures. Characteristic decorative components of Angkor Wat include narrative and historical bas-reliefs, pediments, and devatas. The bas-reliefs located in the gallery of Angkor Wat holds a special signification for Angkor Wat. The gallery displays heaven and the underworld in which garudas and lions are holding the celestial palaces.These gerudas indicate that the palaces were floating in heaven, comparing Angkor Wat to the palaces of the Gods. This display furthers the idea that Angkor Wat acts as a liason between the world of Heaven and Earth. Because the palace physically remains on earth but spiritually resides within heaven, the palace acts as communal place for believers to gather. The bas-reliefs and pictures did not only serve to decorate the palaces, or depict stories of the past. They hold the important task of transforming the palace into a â€Å"celestial dwelling† or heavenly place.Further evidence to support this notion is the fact that many scenes are hidden to the point where they cannot even be seen by the naked eye. This highlights the spirituality of the place, that spirituality is not necessarily tangible or seen. In hiding the bas-reliefs, or making them subtler in the overall construction of the temple, furthers the idea that the palace is not meant to be just a place of beauty, but also a place of divinity. Candi Borobudur Layout Unlike Angkor Wat, Buddhism more heavily influences Borobudur.Built in Indonesia in the 9th century as a shrine to Buddha as well as a pilgrimage site for believers, Borobudur consists of six square platforms topped with four circular platforms. Nearly 2. 700 relief panel and 500 statues of Buddha decorate the temple. Additionally, 72 Buddha statues surround the center of the top platform of the monument. As a pilgrimage site, Pilgrims climb from the bottom of the monument, ascending to the top. While on their voyages, they are said to pass two three levels of Buddhist cosmology, or three stages of Buddhist enlightenment: the Kamadhatu, Ruppadhatu, and Arupadhatu.These levels represent the world of desire, the world of forms and the world of formlessness. Borobudur differs from Angkor Wat in that is constructed as a single, large stupa, with no inner space. It is the single remaining temple of its kind in Java, and is more than likely intended as a shrine to Buddha, instead of temple or house of worship. Typical Buddhist temples were built with rooms, intended to possess icons; Borobudur does not have the same amount of space or rooms to properly house icons, suggesting that the purpose of Borobudur differs from the other temples of Java.Various theories exist to explain the purpose behind Burobudur and architecture. It has been said that Borobudur represents Mt. Meru, that it contains three levels of Buddhist enlightenment, that the â€Å"round upper terraces were meant to form the base for an enormous stone stupa which contained a precious relic of Gautama Buddha,† or that Borobudur was simply a stupa or for initiation rights. Religious Symbolism in Borobudur Architecture Similarly to the uniqueness of Angkor Wat facing the west, Borobudur is unique as well, for it was constructed on a bedrock hill, between two volcanoes, instead of on a flat surface like other temples.Similarly t o the Khmer temple, Borobudur also displays several variations of religious significance throughout the architecture. The lotus is prevalent in the architectural and decorative aspects of the shrine. The architecture of Borobudur is similar the appearance of a lotus and the Buddha statues within Borobudur symbolize the Lotus Sutra, which is found in several Mahayana Buddhism texts. Additionally, the four circular platforms located on the top of Borobudur are also considered to embody the leaf of a lotus.The foundation of Borobudur measures approximately 118 meters on each side, in the form of a square. Of the ten platforms that make up the structure six are square and the remaining four are circular. The highest platform exhibits seventy-two small bell shaped and decoratively pierced stupas. Statues of Buddha reside within these pierced stupas. When Borobudur is viewed from above, the monument resembles the appearance of a tantric Buddhist mandala, furthering the representation of t he Buddhist cosmology.The division of Borobudur into three parts, the base, body, and top, symbolizing the three stages of what Buddhist cosmology considers the â€Å"ultimate goal. † The base represents the Kamadhatu, the five square platforms the make up the body represent Rupadhatu, and the three circular platforms that compose the top represent Arupadhatu . Similarly, the paths that guide pilgrims to the â€Å"ultimate goal† were designed through sacred Buddhist knowledge, based on Buddhist cosmology. Comparable to Ankgor Wat, Borobudur possessed exact measurements that possibly indicate calendrical, astronomical and cosmological themes.The exact ratio formula 4:6:9 has also been discovered in the Pawon and Mendhut, two other neighboring Buddhist temples. The monument further represents cosmology because it can be concluded that the 360 squares that surround the central square of the monument symbolize the 36o degrees of the â€Å"celestial circle that surrounds t he Earth. † However, details of the Buddhist system details vary from those of Hinduism origins, although the Buddhist system’s temples also focus on the idea of a central mountain that represents Meru.

Exploring Handshakes - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 20 Words: 6032 Downloads: 7 Date added: 2017/09/19 Category Business Essay Type Argumentative essay Tags: Personality Essay Did you like this example? Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to: Greg L. Stewart, Department of Management and Organizations, Tippie College of Business, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA 52242 Electronic Mail may be sent to: [emailprotected] edu. A firm handshake is often identified as an aspect of nonverbal communication that has a critical influence on impressions formed during employment interviews. Indeed, a recent search of the Internet revealed nearly a million listings that detailed the importance of the handshake and gave advice about the proper way to shake hands during an interview. In spite of seemingly widespread acceptance of the important role the handshake plays in interview success, empirical research examining the handshake in employment interviews is lacking. Nonverbal cues other than the handshake, such as eye contact during discussions and smiling, have been shown to have a critical influence on interview assessments (DeGroot Motowidlo, 1999). Although not studied in the interview context, the ubiquitous prevalence of the handshake at both the beginning and the end of interviews suggests that nonverbal cues communicated through the shaking of hands may convey important information about job applicants. The handshake may specifically convey information about an individuals personality, as early research suggested a traitlike relationship between the handshake and personality (Chaplin, Phillips, Brown, Clanton, Stein, 2000; Vanderbilt, 1957). In short, good handshakes are believed to communicate sociability, friendliness, and dominance, whereas poor handshakes may communicate introversion, shyness, and neuroticism (Chaplin et al. , 2000). Yet, research has not explored relationships between the nonverbal act of shaking hands and employment interview evaluations. In this article, we empirically examine the role of the handshake in employment interviews. We first seek to determine whether quality of the handshake does indeed co rrespond with interviewer assessments. We then explore the nature of what is being conveyed through the handshake by examining relationships between the handshake and personality. We also assess the effect of potential gender differences in handshaking. Is Handshake Quality Related to Ratings in Employment Interviews? In the interview context, nonverbal behaviors are assumed to convey useful information (Gifford, Ng, Wilkinson, 1985; Schlenker, 1980). The category of nonverbal cues can be broadly defined as cues, other than the content of responses, or demographic differences like sex and race (Parsons Liden, 1984). Nonverbal behaviors commonly thought to be important during an interview include eye contact, smiling, posture, interpersonal distance, and body orientation (Forbes Jackson, 1980; Imada Hakel, 1977; Motowidlo Burnett, 1995; Young Beier, 1977). These behaviors are assumed to influence interviewer reactions, which in turn result in attributions of applicant cha racteristics such as communication ability, intelligence, and self-confidence (DeGroot Motowidlo, 1999; McGovern Tinsley, 1978). Given that a handshake typically occurs in the interview setting, it is surprising that researchers have not looked at the role this form of tactile nonverbal communication may play in the interview setting. The handshake is a nonverbal touch behavior that can convey an immediacy dimension in interviews (Imada Hakel, 1977). Immediacy is an interaction between two individuals that involves close physical proximity and/or perceptual availability (Mehrabian, 1972). It has been theorized that greater immediacy leads to attributions of greater liking (Imada Hakel, 1977; Mehrabian, 1967). Because the act of shaking hands requires physical contact, the handshake should influence immediacy evaluations. Physical touch is generally associated with warmth, closeness, caring, and intimacy (Edinger Patterson, 1983). Of course, awkward handshakes can also com municate negative information (Edinger Patterson, 1983; Schlenker, 1980). Desirable handshakes have been described as firm handshakes that include a strong and complete grip, vigorous shaking for a lasting duration, and eye contact while hands are clasped (Chaplin et al. , 2000). Given the high correspondence between other nonverbal cues and interview assessments, we predicted that handshakes demonstrating these desirable characteristics would communicate positive information about the ndividual being evaluated. * Hypothesis 1: Individuals with a firm handshake will receive more positive evaluations during employment interviews. What Does the Handshake Communicate? Because shaking hands is often the first behavioral act that occurs when people meet, information conveyed through the handshake is potentially critical. But what information does a handshake convey? What specific cues communicated through the handshake might enhance an interviewers evaluation? One possibility is that shaking hands during an interview creates an impression about candidate personality traits that in turn influences assessments of suitability for employment. To explore this effect, we examined existing research on the relationship between traits and the handshake. Greeting behavior, such as the handshake, has mainly been investigated in anthropological and ethnographic studies (Astrom Thorell, 1996; Schiffrin, 1974; Webster, 1984). Our search of the literature found only four empirical studies related to handshaking, and none of them was conducted in the interview context. Three studies were conducted in Sweden by Astrom and associates (Astrom, 1994; Astrom Thorell, 1996; Astrom, Thorell, Holmlund, dElia, 1993), who found moderate relationships between the handshake and personality characteristics such as social extraversion. However, the generalizability of these conclusions to an interview setting is limited, as participants included psychiatric patients, therapists, and c lergymen. Another study by Chaplin et al. (2000) in a noninterview setting found a firm handshake to be positively related to extraversion (r = . 19) and emotional expressiveness (r = . 6) but to be negatively related to shyness (r = ?. 29) and neuroticism (r = ?. 24). The findings across studies suggest that the handshake is particularly informative for assessment of two personality traits: extraversion and neuroticism (Chaplin et al. , 2000). Of the two personality traits identified as likely to be communicated through the handshake, extraversion, but not neuroticism, appears to correspond with interview assessments. Tay, Ang, and Van Dyne (2006) specifically found evidence of a relationship with interview success for extraversion (r = . 4) but not for neuroticism (r = . 06). Other studies (e. g. , Caldwell Burger, 1998; DeFruyt Mervielde, 1999) have similarly identified extraversion as the personality trait most strongly related to employment interview outcomes. Moreover, meta- analytic evidence suggests that interviewer assessments of extraversion are related to evaluations of work contribution (? = . 33; Huffcutt, Conway, Roth, Stone, 2001). Thus, cues related to extraversion appear to be particularly relevant for interpretation of personality information conveyed through shaking hands during employment interviews. In the interview setting, a firm handshake may convey that the applicant has a high level of extraversion and thus lead to a more positive evaluation. In short, a firm handshake signifies persuasive ability, sociability, and interpersonal skills (Astrom Thorell, 1996; Chaplin et al. , 2000), which are aspects of extraversion that are particularly related to success in social interactions (Costa McCrae, 1992; Tay et al. , 2006). We therefore hypothesized that the handshake represents a behavioral manifestation of an individuals extraversion. Hypothesis 2: Extraversion will correlate positively with handshake ratings. * Hypothesis 3: The h andshake is a behavioral mediator of the relationship between extraversion and hirability evaluations in employment interviews. Although extraversion is the only five factor model (FFM) trait previously linked both to the handshake and to interview outcomes, we sought additional insight concerning traits. We thus included the remaining FFM traits—neuroticism, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness to experience—as exploratory measures. Meta-analytic evidence also suggests that interviewers may use candidate appearance for spontaneous personality assessments at the beginning of the interview (Hosoda, Stone-Romero, Coats, 2003). To control for possible effects of the what is beautiful is good stereotype (Eagly, Ashmore, Makhijani, Longo, 1991), we obtained measures of candidate physical attractiveness and professional appearance. Prior research suggests that physically attractive candidates obtain more positive interviewer evaluations than do candidates who are less attractive (Forsythe, Drake, Cox, 1985; Motowidlo Burnett, 1995). Professional appearance, which includes appropriateness of hygiene, personal grooming, and dress (Kinicki Lockwood, 1985; Mack Rainey, 1990), is expected to have even larger effects during the interview, because candidates are assumed to have more control over their own cleanliness and dress and interviewers are influenced by expectations about customary social behavior or conduct during the interview (Posthuma, Morgeson, Campion, 2002). To better isolate the effect of shaking hands, we included both measures of candidate appearance as covariates. Does a Weaker Handshake Place Women at a Disadvantage in Employment Interviews? Considerable research has investigated how demographic characteristics, including gender, impact interview outcomes. Given equal qualifications, research suggests that women tend to be evaluated less positively than do men in ratings of their credentials on paper (Arvey, 1979; Barr Hitt, 1986; Hitt Barr, 1989; Parsons Liden, 1984). On the other hand, female applicants have been found to be judged more favorably than male applicants on some nonverbal interview behaviors, such as posture and eye contact (Parsons Liden, 1984). Nevertheless, many of these effects are modest and may largely reflect similarity between applicant and interviewer (Arvey Campion, 1982; Dipboye, 1982; Harris, 1989; Posthuma et al. , 2002; Schmitt, 1976). Goldberg and Cohen (2004) posited that, in relation to nonverbal cues, gender may impact recruiters assessments of applicants differently than do verbal cues. For example, research suggests that women are perceived as being more adept at conveying nonverbal communication than are men (Buck, Miller, Caul, 1974; Goldberg Cohen, 2004; Graham, Unruh, Jennings, 1991; LaFrance Mayo, 1979). In contrast, men are typically seen as being more rational in their presentation of ideas than are women (Burke, 1996). Goldberg and Co hen (2004) found that nonverbal skills were a stronger predictor than were verbal skills of overall interview assessments. However, they found only marginal support for expected gender differences. This finding highlights the need for research that clarifies gender differences associated with nonverbal communication. Potential gender differences are of particular concern when it comes to the handshake. Chaplin et al. 2000) found handshaking scores to be lower for women than for men. They suggested that this may be so because women have less experience in handshaking, as the practice has historically been more common between men than it has been between women or between women and men. Thus, a positive relationship between the handshake and interview outcomes might have a negative impact on women. If handshakes for women are evaluated as less desirable, the result might be lower interviewer assessments of suitability for hiring. This expected difference in handshaking resulted in our final hypothesis. Hypothesis 4: Handshakes from women will be rated less favorably than are handshakes from men, which will result in lower interviewer assessments for women. Method Participants and Procedures Participants in this study were 98 undergraduate students enrolled in an elective, one-credit career preparations class at a large midwestern university. Their mean age was 21 years (SD = 2. 7), and 69% were juniors and seniors. Of the participants, 50 were women and 90% were Caucasian. As part of the class, students participated in a mock interview. Participants were instructed to treat this experience just as they would a real interview (e. . , by dressing appropriately and researching the company prior to the interview). They were also informed that past participants had occasionally obtained real interviews, which led to actual jobs, as a result of favorable mock interviews. Informal conversations with participants and interviewers following the mock interviews indicated t hat the participants did take the opportunity seriously and put forth their best effort. Human resources professionals from local organizations volunteered their time to conduct the mock interviews, which typically lasted about 1 hr. A mock interview included a 30- to 45-min interview and 15–20 min of feedback provided to the participant. Interviewers were instructed to use the same interview format they presently followed with actual candidates and to focus on the job with the most frequent openings. Hence, the mock interview was based on actual selection practices and corresponded to an interview the candidates could expect to engage in during their own job search. Because some interviewers conducted more than one interview, we assessed potential bias from nonindependence of measures. Following the procedures of Kenny and Judd (1986), we conducted an analysis of variance, with interview ratings as the dependent variable and interviewer as the independent factor, and f ound no evidence of rater effects, F(26, 74) = 1. 26, ns. The obtaining of multiple ratings from interviewers thus appears not to have created problems associated with nonindependence of measures. Handshake firmness was assessed by five independent raters, who scored each participants handshake at different times during the mock interview process. The raters shook hands while greeting each participant, either before or after the mock interview, so both interviewees and interviewers were unaware that handshakes were being evaluated. None of the handshake evaluators served as an interviewer. Two raters greeted and shook hands when a participant arrived for the mock interview. Participants were then introduced to a third rater, who shook hands. After the mock interview, a fourth rater greeted participants, shook hands, and introduced them to the fifth rater, who shook hands. Within 5–10 s of shaking hands, raters excused themselves from participants and completed an evaluatio n form. To avoid priming interviewers to pay undue attention to the handshake, we did not ask them to provide explicit assessments of the handshake. Rater Training Following the procedures of Chaplin et al. (2000), we trained raters in handshake evaluation. On contact with an individuals hand, raters were instructed to close their hand around the participants hand but to wait for the participant to initiate the strength of the grip and the upward-and-downward shaking. Furthermore, the raters were instructed to release their grip only when the participant began to relax his or her grip or otherwise show signs of terminating the handshake. Raters practiced their handshaking technique on each other and on other individuals until they had mastered the evaluation concepts and technique. The training included information about the handshake dimensions. Definitions of the completeness of grip, strength, duration, vigor, and eye contact were provided. Extreme examples of each dimensio n were illustrated. Individuals were recruited to shake hands with the raters and were instructed to shake hands the same way with all five raters. The raters coded the practice handshakes on all dimensions. We discussed discrepancies in the ratings to create a common frame of reference among raters. Measures Handshake ratings The raters assessed the five handshake characteristics on 5-point rating scales (Chaplin et al. , 2000). Given that each students handshake was scored by five independent raters, we calculated estimates of interrater reliability for completeness of grip (1 = very incomplete to 5 = full; intraclass correlation [ICC(2)] = . 77), strength (1 = weak to 5 = strong; ICC = . 83), duration (1 = brief to 5 = long; ICC = . 73), vigor (1 = low to 5 = high; ICC = . 71), and eye contact while grasping hands (1 = none to 5 = direct; ICC = . 68). Given high intercorrelation among the handshake characteristics, we also created an overall handshake score represented by t he mean of the five items (ICC = . 85). Personality Participants completed the Personal Characteristics Inventory (Mount, Barrick, Wonderlic Consulting, 2002) in a classroom context not directly related to the mock interview. The inventory comprises 150 Likert-type items that measure conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, emotional stability, and openness to experience. Coefficient alpha estimates are . 89, . 90, . 91, . 90, and . 85, respectively. Hiring recommendation Interviewers completed a final hiring recommendation at the end of the interview. The evaluation consisted of five questions that are used to assess perceived applicant suitability (Cable Judge, 1997; Higgins Judge, 2004; Stevens Kristof, 1995). Questions were rated on a 5-point scale. Examples include This student appears to be very qualified (response options ranged from strongly disagree to strongly agree) and How satisfied do you think you would be if you were to hire this student for a full-time position? (response options ranged from strongly dissatisfied to very satisfied). Coefficient alpha for the hiring recommendation was . 90 in this sample. Candidate appearance Each candidate was videotaped while sitting for 5 s (with no audio). Four raters, independent from the interviewers and other raters in the study, evaluated applicant physical attractiveness and professional appearance. Physical attractiveness was assessed according to the single-item measure used by Cable and Judge (1997): Please rate the overall level of physical attractiveness of this candidate on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (very unattractive) to 5 (very attractive). Ratings of professional dress relied on a five-item scale adapted from Parsons and Liden (1984) and Kinicki and Lockwood (1985). Items include The applicant was appropriately dressed, with answers ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Coefficient alpha for the five-item professional dress scale was . 80. Interrater a greement was shown by ICC values of . 79 for physical attractiveness and . 89 for professional dress. Results Table 1 shows means, standard deviations, and intercorrelations among the variables. Hypothesis 1 predicted a relationship between a firm handshake and interview ratings and was supported (r = . 9, p . 05). All five handshake dimensions also related significantly to the interviewer evaluation (rs . 24–. 31), although none were significantly different from the effect found for the overall handshake. We thus include only the overall average rating for our tests of mediation. As expected, extraversion correlated positively with interviewer ratings (r = . 28, p . 05). Supporting Hypothesis 2, extraversion correlated positively with handshake quality (r = . 23, p . 05). The two covariates, physical appearance and professional dress, were not significantly correlated with the interviewers hiring recommendation (rs = ?. 1 and . 15, respectively) but were correlated with t he ratings of the handshake (r = . 19 and . 42, respectively). None of the other FFM traits were related to either the handshake or the interviewer evaluations. apl-93-5-1139-tbl1a. gifMeans, Standard Deviations, and Correlations In a result similar to those of previous studies, women received lower ratings for the overall handshake rating (M = 3. 47 for women vs. M = 3. 70 for men). As shown in Table 2, item-level analysis revealed that this effect was attributable to gender differences on handshake strength (M = 3. 11 vs. M = 3. 64) and grip (M = 3. 51 vs. M = 3. 9). apl-93-5-1139-tbl2a. gifVariable Means by Participant Gender We used path analysis (Bentler Wu, 1995) to test Hypotheses 3 and 4. We tested and compared three models. Model 1 includes both direct and indirect effects for extraversion and gender. Models 2 and 3 are nested within Model 1. To test whether part of the effect of extraversion and gender on interviewer ratings is mediated by the handshake, Model 2 eliminate s paths from these variables to the handshake by fixing these parameters to zero. Comparison of the fit of Model 2 to that obtained for Model 1 enabled us to test whether there were mediation effects. Model 3 removes the direct paths from extraversion and gender to interviewer ratings. Lack of difference in the fit of Models 1 and 3 would provide support for the more parsimonious complete mediation model (Model 3). Each model controlled for the effect of agreeableness, conscientiousness, emotional stability, openness to experience, physical attractiveness, and professional dress on interviewer ratings. Given an expected relationship between physical appearance and professional dress, we allowed the error terms for these variables to covary. Table 3 shows results for each model. To estimate model fit, we evaluated the chi-square statistic, root-mean-square error of approximation (RMSEA; Browne Cudeck, 1993), goodness of fit index (GFI; Joreskog Sorbom, 1993), and comparative fit index (CFI; Bentler, 1990). Model 1, with both direct and indirect effects, exhibited good fit, ? 2(16, N = 98) = 24. 15, p = . 09, RMSEA = . 07, GFI = . 95, CFI = . 95. Fit for Model 2 was not as good, ? 2(18, N = 98) = 31. 68, p = . 02, RMSEA = . 09, GFI = . 94, CFI = . 91, and a chi-square difference test suggested that it was significantly worse, ? 2(2, N = 98) = 7. 15, p . 5, than was the fit for a model that included mediating effects (Model 1). This result shows that at least some of the effect of extraversion and gender on interviewer assessments was mediated by the handshake. Fit for Model 3 was marginal, ? 2(18, N = 98) = 31. 28, p = . 03, RMSEA = . 09, GFI = . 94, CFI = . 91, and the chi-square difference test suggested that fit for Model 3 was significantly worse than was fit for Model 1, 2(2) = 7. 13, p . 05. This result supports partial mediation, as the direct paths from gender and extraversion (included in Model 1) retain some explanatory power. pl-93-5-1139-t bl3a. gifFit Indices for Path Models Results for the best fitting model—Model 1—are shown in Figure 1. Extraversion had an indirect effect on interviewer ratings through its relationship with the handshake (? = . 19), as well as a direct effect (? = . 31). Hypothesis 3 was supported, as the handshake operated as a mediator of the relationship between extraversion and interviewer assessments. Hypothesis 4 was not supported. Women received lower ratings for the handshake (? = . 18) but somewhat higher interviewer ratings (? = ?. 14). Weaker handshakes for women did not translate into lower interviewer assessments. In fact, the negative indirect relationship for women through the handshake was compensated for by a positive but nonsignificant direct relationship with the interviewer assessment. This effect is labeled suppression by Cohen and Cohen (1983). Negative relationships with some personality traits for women created additional indirect paths that were negative. Taken together, these effects show that about one half of the positive effect for women on interviewer ratings was nullified by indirect and spurious effects through the handshake. pl-93-5-1139-fig1a. gifFigure 1. Path model with direct and indirect effects. Values are standardized coefficients. Personality and gender variables are allowed to intercorrelate. Error terms between ratings of professional dress and physical appearance are allowed to covary. *p . 05. None of the covariates exhibited a significant relationship with the interviewer assessment. However, the handshake influenced interviewer ratings even after we had controlled for ratings of physical attractiveness and professional dress, as well as for the remaining FFM personality traits. Discussion To our knowledge, this is the first study that empirically supports the commonly held assumption that the handshake matters in employment interviews. The high degree of interrater reliability associated with the handshake e valuation provides strong support for the notion that people present a consistent handshake when greeting others. Furthermore, as hypothesized, individuals who follow common prescriptions for shaking hands, such as having a firm grip and looking the other person in the eye, receive higher ratings of employment suitability from interviewers. As this is the first empirical study to have examined the handshake in employment interviews, a number of issues that still need clarification. One issue is the extent to which our findings generalize to other settings. Our data were collected in a mock interview setting, in which interviewers evaluated the suitability of candidates for a wide variety of jobs. Future studies should assess whether the same relationships exist in actual interviews, with real job offers on the line, and whether the effect is stronger for some jobs than for others. Most of the interviewers in our study chose to interview for jobs with at least moderate social d emands, and it may be that the handshake is not as strongly related to evaluations for jobs in which social interaction is not integral. We also chose to isolate the effect of the handshake by not sharing preinterview information, such as test scores and resumes. Such information has been linked to interview assessments (Macan Dipboye, 1990), and provision of additional details about interviewee characteristics and qualifications may result in interviewers being less influenced by nonverbal cues like the handshake. Future studies should thus explore whether or not the inclusion of preinterview information alters the relationship between the handshake and interview evaluations. Perhaps the most important question for future investigation is whether the handshake represents superficial bias or truly communicates important information about job candidates. A long-standing concern about employment interviews is the possibility that interviewers make quick first impressions and then seek information that verifies their early perceptions (Dougherty, Turban, Callender, 1994; Macan Dipboye, 1988). Is the relationship between the handshake and hiring recommendation evidence of quick judgmental bias for interviewers, or are interviewers actually obtaining valid information when they shake hands? In the present study, we sought to minimize judgmental bias by obtaining handshake ratings from a source other than the interviewers. The link between interviewer evaluation of the candidate and handshake ratings provided by other individuals increases our confidence that a quality handshake conveys something meaningful about the interviewee that is also reflected in the rating of employment suitability. Moreover, the link between handshake quality and personality is consistent with the notion of information relevant to job performance (i. e. , extraversion; Huffcutt et al. , 2001) being communicated through this nonverbal interaction. Nevertheless, additional resear ch should clarify the extent to which the handshake operates as either a biasing influence or an indicator of valid information. Of course, interviewee actions during the course of the interview will result in additional information that should be taken into account when the interviewer makes a hiring recommendation. This fact illustrates how noteworthy it is to find a consistent effect for the handshake even after 30 min of social interaction during the interview. One explanation for the relationship is the possibility that the handshake itself is recalled and factored into the final evaluation. Another explanation is that individuals with a firm handshake engage in other positive behaviors during the interview. Once again, the link between extraversion and interview ratings supports such an effect. More extraverted interviewees present a firmer handshake, and they likely engage in other positive behaviors that reflect their ability to perform work successfully. Indeed, Huffc utt et al. (2001) found interviewer assessments of extraversion to be an important predictor of job performance. It thus seems likely that interviewers subconsciously combine information obtained during the handshake with other information obtained during the interview to arrive at an evaluation of employment suitability that is a valuable predictor of future performance. Our findings also provide important insights concerning gender and the handshake. The suppression effect identified in our data illustrates that, even though women may be less adept at handshaking, they engage in other actions that overcome the effects of a weak handshake. Our dimensional results show that the negative effect for women is carried through strength and grip rather than through eye contact. This finding, coupled with other research demonstrating that women excel at coding and decoding other nonverbal cues (e. g. facial expression and posture; Graham et al. , 1991), suggests that women have other st rengths that can overcome the liability of a handshake that lacks a firm and complete grip. In terms of gender, our a priori prediction was simply that women would receive lower ratings for quality of handshake. We did not hypothesize that the influence of the handshake on evaluations provided at the end of the interview would differ for men and for women. Yet, post hoc exploratory analyses also suggest that women may benefit more from a firm handshake than do men. Specifically, we probed how gender interacts with the handshake by regressing interviewer ratings on handshake ratings, gender, and the interaction between gender and handshake. A possible trend we identified suggests that handshake firmness (a combined measure of strength and grip) interacts with gender. Although this relationship was below conventional standards for statistical significance (? R2 for interaction term = . 02, p = . 20), a plot of the results suggests a stronger relationship with a firm handshake for w omen than for men. Men and women with a weak handshake (one standard deviation below the mean) received almost identical ratings for employment suitability, but women with a firm handshake (one standard deviation above the mean) received substantially higher ratings than did men with a handshake of the same firmness. Thus, even though women on average present a weaker handshake, those women who do present a very firm handshake receive higher ratings than do men with an equally firm handshake. This effect was not found for the eye contact dimension or for the overall handshake rating. The combined findings that there is a potential interaction between firmness and gender and that the same dimensions of strength and grip are, on average, lower for women suggest that the value of a firm handshake may be greater for women than for men. The fact that an interviewer is less likely to receive a firm handshake from a woman than a man makes handshake firmness more salient to the interv iewer when he or she evaluates women and thereby increases the potential benefit of a strong and complete grip for women. The results of this study therefore provide three specific contributions toward an understanding of the handshake in employment interviews. First, we provide the first empirical link between the handshake and interviewer assessments. Second, we show that a firm handshake partially mediates the effect of extraversion, which implies that the handshake is more than a biasing factor and can indeed communicate meaningful information about job applicants. Third, we demonstrate that women overcome the effects of weaker handshakes, such that on average they do not receive lower interview performance ratings from interviewers, and that women may actually benefit more than do men if they present a strong and complete grip when they shake hands. From a practical perspective, our findings suggest that the effect of the handshake in employment interviews should not be i gnored. Interviewers can obtain important information about interviewee traits through the nonverbal cue of the handshake. Indeed, given that Huffcutt et al. 2001) found a stronger correlation with job performance for a rating of extraversion from interviewers (? = . 33) than is typical for a correlation with self-report measures (? = . 15; Barrick, Mount, Judge, 2001), obtaining trait evaluations through behavioral indicators such as the handshake may be a valuable approach that can increase the validity of selection decisions. Of course, the likelihood of accurate assessment of traits through behavioral acts such as the handshake is likely to attenuate if job applicants receive training to provide firmer handshakes. When it comes to handshake training, a practical implication of the results is that women, as compared with men, have a greater chance of improving their interview evaluations by learning to shake hands with a firm and complete grip. In the end, our findings add to a long-running historical analysis of the handshake. The handshake is thought to have originated in medieval Europe as a way for kings and knights to show that they did not intend to harm each other and possessed no concealed weapons (Hall Hall, 1983). The results presented in this study show that this age-old social custom has an important place in modern business interactions. Although the handshake may appear to be a business formality, it can indeed communicate critical information and influence interviewer assessments. 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